How Yale University Surveils Pro-Palestine Students
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Documents reveal a pattern of targeted monitoring: administrator presence at rallies, police surveillance of social media, and coordination between campus, local, and state police.
As pro-Palestine students have slowly escalated their tactics in response to a deadlock on divestment and escalating violence in Gaza, Yale has deployed a variety of measures to monitor student dissent. Documents obtained by The Nation under Connecticut’s Freedom of Information Act illustrate a pattern of targeted surveillance by Yale University against students engaged in pro-Palestine activism.
These tactics, as the documents reveal, vary from administrator presence at rallies to police surveillance of students’ social media accounts, to coordination between campus, local, and state police forces.
The university has, so far, avoided the drama of presidential resignations like those at Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania. Until it arrested 47 students at an encampment on April 23, the protests on campus were largely not disruptive to campus life.
However, in seeking to avoid the fate of its fellow Ivy League institutions, its goal is to be one step ahead of its students, conversations between Yale Police Department (YPD) officers and university officials show.
Pilar Montalvo, assistant vice president for university life, was one of those tasked with this job, and has become a recurring figure in students’ on-campus activities. “In [Montalvo’s] interactions with students, she tries to shut down whatever we’re doing,” said Patrick Hayes, a Yale student involved in pro-Palestine activism on campus. “It’s kind of obvious that the administrative rules are applied very differently to groups that have missions that the university sees as counter to their own.”
Her job became even more important for the university after the House Education Committee launched an inquiry into antisemitism on college campuses and Yale was declared the subject of a Title VI investigation by the United States Department of Education.
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Montalvo, as the documents reveal, is frequently tasked with attending protests and handling tense interactions, including when Zionist counterprotesters attacked pro-Palestine organizers. In one incident for which she drew criticism, she allowed a pro-Israel student to take down a poster mourning Palestinians killed by Israel’s attacks on Gaza. As she was quoted in the Yale Daily News, “I should have removed the poster myself rather than allowing a student to do so.” Montalvo did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
The documents date from the beginning of October to the end of December. However, what is clear from the documents currently available is that the administrative bureaucracy at Yale—which now outnumbers its undergraduate students—has been crucial in shutting down conversations about anti-Palestinian and anti-Muslim hate incidents that have occurred on campus. In the hundred pages of documents obtained by The Nation, Montalvo is copied on nearly every YPD e-mail exchange about pro-Palestine events and rallies. Not only does Montalvo appear to work directly with the YPD, but she collaborates with centers and initiatives housed within the university—especially those that have a stake in pro-Palestine organizing.
One individual who communicated directly with Yale administration and the YPD is Uri Cohen, the executive director of the Slifka Center for Jewish Life at Yale. Cohen runs one of the many student life centers at the university to which Yale has dedicated ample time and resources after it launched its Belonging at Yale initiative in 2020.
Cohen and other staffers at the Slifka Center have been in frequent communication with Montalvo and the YPD with concerns about the activities and speech of pro-Palestine organizers. “I just heard that the language around tomorrow’s SJP day of resistance now includes explicitly that violence against Zionist-identified people and institutions are both justified and politically necessary,” wrote Cohen in one early October email to Duane Lovello, director of public safety & community engagement. This language didn’t appear in any official postings by Yalies4Palestine, and it is unclear exactly which post Cohen was referring to. Despite this, Montalvo used Cohen’s comment as a pretext to call one of Yalies4Palestine’s lead organizers into a meeting to gather more information.
After a student involved in Yalies4Palestine didn’t respond to a phone call about an upcoming rally, the assistant vice president for university life contacted the student’s mother, according to Rebecca Wessel. It is unclear whether this violates Yale’s policies on contact with students and their families.
After the Yale Women’s Center came under fire for its annual conference, which, this year, was titled, “Pinkwashing and Feminism(s) in Palestine,” Cohen commented in an article published by Jewish Insider criticizing the students for hosting the event. “To the extent the Center is organizing this event, it betrays its obligations to Yale’s Jewish and Israeli women in particular, and to its mission.” Cohen did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
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Even if Yale’s intention in communicating with its students about on-campus organizing is to ensure the safety of the community—per President Salovey’s November 3 statement on compassion and civility—the university’s actions reveal a desire to quash dissent.
Incidents of university administrators—who are in positions of power over students—calling students on their personal cell phones, when there has not been an alleged violation of university policies or procedures, doesn’t reflect Salovey’s stated goal of “embracing the open exchange of ideas.”
During potentially contentious academic events, administrators insist on the presence of uniformed officers, despite student resistance. Lukey Ellsberg, a graduate student at Yale, said Montavlo’s presence at these events inflamed tensions and frequently endangered the safety of students and faculty.
At an event in the fall titled “Gaza Under Siege,” which is now the subject of a federal investigation, “[Montalvo] grabbed my friend by the arm at one point and yelled in her face. She yelled directly in my face about how you need to count how many people are here so that we know how many more people we can let in,” said Ellsberg.
As Wessel said, “[These administrators] act in a way that is inappropriate and has threatened students. These tactics just try to throw us off, stop momentum, and prevent student organizing success.”
Yale not only contacts students about planned rallies but actively monitors for events before they are made aware of them through official channels. In one case, Vanessa Schenking, YPD’s compliance and crime analyst, sent an e-mail to Steven Citta, lieutenant at the Hartford Police Department, tipping him off about a potential Yalies4Palestine action at a weapons manufacturing plant: “Just found that there is a National Day of Action on 11/18. Yalies4Palestine is sponsoring an event taking place in Hartford where they intend to protest and march.”
In another, Schenking wrote to YPD officials, “I found the attached event through Instagram open-source searching. It is taking place tonight in Watson at 6pm. Just sending for awareness, not sure if we are already aware of this.”
On many other exchanges, YPD officials communicated via e-mail with the New Haven Police Department to plan their responses to pro-Palestine actions in New Haven. In some cases, that meant organizing potential routes of travel for protests. In others, it meant responding to concerns from community members about the statements or rhetoric of pro-Palestine organizers. Both agencies were intimately involved in the policing of students in the early months of pro-Palestine activism in New Haven through internet monitoring, in-person presence at rallies, and communication with university administrators.
The YPD and the NHPD’s presence on campus have left many organizers feeling scared for their safety. On May 1, Yale police violently arrested four pro-Palestine protesters in front of the university’s central library. The Yale Daily News reported that the protesters were peacefully dispersing when Chief of Police Anthony Campbell tackled a protester and knelt on his back.
Organizers emphasize how Israel’s ongoing occupation of the Palestinian Territories is intimately linked with police violence on Yale’s campus. “[The YPD] are absolutely not there to keep students safe. They’re really only putting more people in danger, injuring people,” said Wessel. “I am very uncomfortable with YPD and NHPD at pro-Palestine rallies because I fear that they will escalate.”
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Theia Chatelle is a student at Yale University and a former Puffin StudentNation writing fellow. Her writing has appeared in Haaretz, Teen Vogue, and others.
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The internet’s resident amphibian is back in the spotlight, but this time Pepe the Frog isn’t gracing troll forums – he’s maneuvering his way to the top of the cryptocurrency charts. PEPE, the meme coin named after the internet legend, is experiencing a historic surge, fueled by a potent mix of nostalgia and retail investor fervor.
From Backwater To Bullfrog: PEPE’s Rise
PEPE’s recent ascent is nothing short of meteoric. Trading volume has skyrocketed by an impressive 300% in the past 24 hours, with the price reaching an all-time high. This dramatic rise coincides with a resurgence in Gamestop (GME) stock, leading many to believe that the retail investor army of 2021 is back for round two, armed with meme coins as their weapon of choice.
The return of Keith Gill, better known online as “Roaring Kitty,” has acted as a rallying cry for these digital warriors. Gill’s surprise post on his dormant Reddit account sent shockwaves through the market, reigniting the nostalgic flames of the original Gamestop saga. Analysts suggest this nostalgia has spilled over into the crypto market, sparking a full-blown meme coin craze.
PEPE, already experiencing a steady climb since mid-April, has emerged as the unlikely champion of this digital meme menagerie.
Whales Take A Dip In The Pepe Pond
It’s not just the small-time investors driving the PEPE surge. Big money, or “whales” in crypto speak, are also diving headfirst into the frenzy. On-chain data reveals a whale recently splashing out a cool 1.86 million USDC for a whopping 195 billion PEPE tokens. Another whale scooped up a hefty 406 million PEPE, further propelling the price upwards.
While PEPE’s current trajectory is a dream come true for early adopters, a cautionary tale lurks beneath the frothy surface. Meme coins are notorious for their wild volatility. Their value is often built on hype and fleeting internet trends, not robust financial fundamentals. This means a sudden shift in sentiment could trigger a dramatic price crash, leaving investors holding the Pepe bag.
Furthermore, PEPE is a relatively new player in the crypto game, with an uncertain future. Unlike established cryptocurrencies, PEPE lacks a proven track record. Its long-term viability remains a question mark.
Featured image from @GameStopPepe/X, chart from TradingView
Christian is a journalist, editor and a former layout design consultant. Alongside his passion for writing, he is an avid fan of cryptocurrency and works tirelessly throughout the week. When he’s not on his computer, you can find him tinkering with his old motorbike as a grease monkey, or lounging on the patio hammock while pondering about artificial intelligence and whether he’ll ever understand his cat’s thoughts and calmness.
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A British firm, Seapeak, is legally transporting Russian liquefied pure gas (LNG) to Europe no matter sanctions as a result of gaps in the regulations.
The European Union tranquil relies on Russia for roughly 15% of its gas, with Russia only in the near previous changing into the 2d-most attention-grabbing gas vendor to the continent.
Correct consultants are calling for the closure of these sanctions loopholes to stop Russia from taking advantage of the continuing gas alternate.
A British alternate that trades in Russian liquefied pure gas (LNG) by working an “unique ship”, has no longer been breaching the sanctions put in impart after the Russian invasion into Ukraine.
An investigation by Sky Data revealed that surely one of primarily the most attention-grabbing owner-operators of liquefied gas vessels, Seapeak, has its headquarters based entirely in Glasgow.
The firm owns five LNG icebreakers including the Yakov Gakkel, which Sky makes a speciality of. The skip can slice through ice enabling it to hurry up into the Arctic Circle and back even in the depths of iciness.
This permits the ship to hurry back and between Siberia and Europe, through iciness and summer season, bringing copious volumes of gas from Russia to Europe.
No matter pleas from European leaders to diminish usage of gas, Sky reviews that Europe is tranquil reckoning on Russia for around 15 p.c of its gas. As perfect final month Russia overtook the US to alter into the 2d most attention-grabbing provider of gas to the continent.
When the warfare broke out in Ukraine, the European Union (EU), the UK and the US all applied a swarm of sanctions in opposition to the Russian Authorities, shut mates of President Putin as successfully as corporations that had shut ties to him or his allies.
In the UK, the Situation of job for Monetary Sanctions Implementation (OFSI), which sits all throughout the Treasury, was as soon as overseeing the UK sanctions checklist.
Corporations, no matter the chance of penalties, had been struggling to keep it up prime of the sanctions, as 127 British corporations admitted final November to breaching those unique guidelines.
Whereas corporations try to weave throughout the sanctions lists all throughout the UK, EU and US, the energy sector has been working all throughout the grey lines of the guidelines.
Alongside with extensive-ranging sanctions, there had been additionally designate caps placed on shipments of oil, on the other hand, there had been no controls placed on liquefied pure gas. This implies these fleets carrying LNG from Russia to every European country personal no longer been breaching the Russian-sanctions.
As Paul Feldberg, Brown Rudnick accomplice and head of UK white collar defense, investigations and compliance explained: “Whereas these sanctions possess a web of prohibitions, they devise no longer possess a blanket ban on anything else Russian or from doing alternate in Russia, so there will the least bit times be gaps.”
“About a of those gaps are deliberate, treasure the dearth of a prohibition imports of Russian gas into Europe, as Europe is taking its time to wean itself off Russian Gas,” he added.
Barrister Patrick Upward KC from Church Court Chambers pointed out that “it is miles alarming that this alternate in pure gas is being allowed to proceed with abject push apart for the explanations and cause of the sanctions which would perhaps be in impart in respect of oil.”
“Whereas the UK Authorities had intention in suppose an enquiry beneath the auspices of a Treasury Choose Committee, this fell away with the announcement of the election. Some would perhaps presumably mediate that the investigation would perhaps also tranquil proceed beneath the unique authorities, nonetheless to what discontinue?”
The senior barrister highlighted that “the empirical proof is there, floating in undeniable seek, in vessels designed for one cause, travelling between ports that enable the passage of Russian gas into Europe.”
“It must now be regarded as essential that the unique authorities rob the opportunity to shut these loopholes. In the occasion that they might be able to no longer persuade the EU to be half of in, then they must penalise those enablers in London, who proceed to draw shut good thing about the lacunae in the present sanctions regime,” he added.
About a of those gaps are deliberate, treasure the dearth of a prohibition imports of Russian gas into Europe, as Europe is taking its time to wean itself off Russian Gas
Whereas Leigh Crestohl, accomplice, Zaiwalla & Co added that this case “reveals in stark terms the huge difficulties that arise in trying to apply a huge-ranging sanctions programme to a vivid economy which was as soon as successfully constructed-in into European present chains.”
“Contemporary sanctions suppose affords no precedent for sanctions measures in opposition to this kind of developed economy that carried out this kind of critical function in meeting Western energy needs,” he acknowledged.
This comes after it was as soon as revealed that the British insurance alternate has insured over €120bn worth of Russian oil since March 2022, main to calls from a frail Cupboard minister for the sphere to mediate on its responsibilities.
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